, dissemination of disinformation by rival parties, converting vote share into seats, the anti - incumbency factor, and drawing voters to the booths. But that strategy can only work to the advantage of a party if the party machinery is well - oiled, the party cadres are totally mobilized, there is unity of purpose among the party men, tickets are rightly allocated, and the media and larger public are well - disposed towards the party.

In 2004, when India was ‘beginning to shine’, the BJP suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Congress. Reasons behind the BJP’s fall were not entirely about the 2002 Gujarat riots and the subsequent vote polarization in favour of the Congress, and the anti - incumbency factor. But what is little known of is the anguish within the Sangh Parivar over the moderate leadership of A B Vajpayee due to which the disheartened Sangh cadre could not be fully mobilized for the party cause. It was only after the BJP’s loss that its allies deserted the NDA fold under one pretext or the other. In 2009, BJP again fell short of expectations to emerge as the single largest party as it was seen as an ‘obstructionist’ when the Indo - US relations were on the verge of a major breakthrough with the signing of the nuclear deal, which would help India break free from decades of nuclear apartheid, while the Congress was widely appreciated appreciated for the economic surge and launching of the historic MGNREGA programme. Both public and corporate sympathy was on the Congress’ side which helped it to clinch an overwhelming number of seats while the BJP fell by the wayside without having much to offer to the voter.

But the Congress’ battle to retain power in 2014 will be challenging. Though a slew of corrective measures have been taken up over the past year to light up the national mood, the efforts

have failed to resonate with the people. Those steps include the passage of the Pension Bill, Food Security Bill, Direct Cash Transfer Bill, Land Acquisition Bill and the New Companies Bill. On the Food Security Bill, touted as a game - changer, questions have been raised whether a sliding economy can support such a massive populist program. While there are others who suggest that since the scheme is not universal, the poorest households will be left behind due to the inherent weaknesses in the delivery system. The Government has also fast - tracked public sector investments and constituted the Tax Administration Commission. To spur industrial growth, UPA has set up a special Cabinet Committee on Investments which has cleared projects worth $ 30 billion and a special group in the Cabinet secretariat to monitor big ticket projects. The Government has further relaxed FDI in sensitive sectors like multi - brand retail, defence and telecom despite stiff opposition.

The Congress’ battle to retain power in 2014 will be challenging. Though a slew of corrective measures have been taken up over the past year to light up the national mood, the efforts have failed to resonate with the people.

But the crushing burden of soaring energy prices, high inflation, depreciation of the rupee, rising unemployment and deteriorating law and order have failed to lift the public spirit. Apart from the economic slump, there are several allegations against the Congress like frittering away of public resources for self - aggrandizement through the ‘Bharat Nirman’ campaign, akin to the BJP’s ‘India Shining’ campaign which was not of much leverage, curtailing gold imports to arrest the outflow of dollars though such curbs could abet smuggling, lackadaisical attitude in defending India’s borders with border skirmishes and incursions becoming the order of the day, wheeling and dealing in signing defence contracts and the politically motivated decision of creating Telangana without due consideration of its fallout. We have almost lost track of the scams under the UPA’s watch. There are grave concerns over falling exports, industrial output, capital flight and heightened fears on national security in the wake of the NSA’s snooping expose.

In the 1980’s, Congress lost UP – India’s battleground State – following the ‘Mandalisation’ of politics. The Sangh Parivar affiliates countered it with their ‘Kamandal’ or Ram Temple movement. To win back the upper castes to the Congress fold, Rajiv Gandhi permitted the ‘shilanyas’ of the Ram Temple in 1989 and his 1991 poll campaign that began from Ayodhya was high on symbolism. In 1992, P V Narasimha Rao allowed the demolition of the Babri Masjid in a disastrous attempt to wrest the temple issue from the VHP, which shattered Muslim loyalty and faith in the Congress. For the first time in history, the Congress was left without a core vote base in UP and it is struggling to find its feet back in the State ever since.

In 2009, BJP again fell short of expectations to emerge as the single largest party as it was seen as an ‘obstructionist’ when the Indo - US relations were on the verge of a major breakthrough with the signing of the nuclear deal, which would help India break free from decades of nuclear apartheid.

Congressmen refrain from pitting Rahul against Modi, cautious of playing into the hands of the BJP, but in the undeclared war between the two, Modi seems to have an edge over Rahul in the ‘lecture circuit’. In his 2010 visit to Niyamgiri, Rahul pledged his support to the tribes and declared that he would be their ‘sipahi’ in Delhi. Some would say that Congress’ policy makers took the cue from their leader literally to heart and went on to stall several mining projects which ruined the power sector and robbed the nation of vital export earnings and impeded economic growth. At one of his rallies in last year’s UP State elections, Rahul tore off a paper with poll assurances of a political party. This fit of rage in full public view was widely denunciated. Advani had once quipped that Indian people forgive corruption but not arrogance. Rahul is yet to display the administrative acumen expected of a person in line to rule a nation of 1.2 billion people. During Modi’s trip to China, he strayed from his itinerary to visit the office of TBEA Energy which had hit a roadblock in commencing production of transformers at its Gujarat plant. Modi’s swift intervention impressed the Chinese of his problem fixing skills. Had Rahul acted on the Prime Minister’s repeated reminders to join the Cabinet, his administrative skills would have come to the fore. That would have come in handy for Congress managers to project Rahul as the party’s Prime Ministerial candidate.

When devastating floods struck Uttarakhand, Rahul went ahead with his foreign visit. But Modi was quick to reach Dehradun and coordinate the efforts in rescuing Gujarati pilgrims. His detractors ridiculed him for not showing similar sympathy to non - Gujarati pilgrims arguing that his actions did not behove of a person with prime ministerial ambitions, but one should bear in mind that all that Modi had done was in his capacity as the Chief Minister of a State. At that point of time, Modi was only a Prime Minister aspirant like many others in the BJP and not the ‘candidate’. It is highly expected of a leader like Rahul to play ‘Good Samaritan’ at the time of people’s distress to mobilise the youth towards his vision.

Critics have spewed venom at Rahul for denigrating the Prime Minister and the Cabinet by storming into Ajay Maken’s press conference and lambasting the ordinance seeking to nullify the Supreme Court judgment on convicted lawmakers. His outburst was considered as a political stunt and a damage control exercise. But what was missed out in the commentary is Rahul’s strong determination to put national interest ahead of party interests irrespective of the consequences. Here is a person who is willing to undermine the party line in the interest of the nation. To match the powerful rhetoric of Modi, Rahul must belt out an equally catchy alternative by vigorously showcasing the flagship schemes unveiled by the UPA. “Aapka paisa aapke haath” distinctly embodies the message of the Direct Cash Transfer scheme. A similar one must emerge from the Congress’ stable to promote the Food Security Act, perhaps on the lines of “Woh kehte hain Congress mukt Bharat…..Rahulji kehte hain Bhook mukt Bharat”.

Dr. Jyoti Prasad Das