North East and Kashmir:

India’s Turbulent Borders

It is in Kashmir and the Northeastern region (NER) where India’s internal and external tensions coalesce into one. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan had Assam in mind as a part of East Pakistan or ‘Bang-e-Islam’ when he set in motion the partition plan. Failure to get the province included remained a source of anguish. He even sought a land corridor between East and West Pakistan; which Sardar Patel brushed off as ‘fantastic nonsense’. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in his book, ‘Myths of Independence’ wrote, “it would be wrong to think that Kashmir is the only dispute between India and Pakistan, though undoubtedly the most significant one, but one nearly as important as the Kashmir dispute is that of Assam and some districts of India adjacent to East Pakistan.” Ever since independence, the Northeast and Kashmir have been embroiled in socio-political unrest and militancy due to local grievances and foreign machinations which unto this day remain largely unaddressed.

Much has been written about the October 22 1947 Baramulla Kabaili raid that led Maharaja Hari Singh to sign the ‘Instrument of Accession Act’ on October 26, paving the way for the induction of the Indian Army in J&K, later the dismissal of the Sheikh Abdullah government in 1953, followed by 1963 ‘Hazratbal crisis’, and then the infamous ‘Rajiv-Farooq’ pact of 1987 which set the stage for the much-maligned 1987 polls and the outbreak of insurgency in its aftermath. Another notable aspect of the Kashmir problem is that between 1971 and 87, J&K witnessed a high growth rate of more than 30% and high unemployment. Too many young with too little work often spells trouble, e.g the English civil wars of 1642-51, the European Revolution of 1848 and the rise of Fascism. The lesser known turn of events that helped the Naga insurgency (said to be the mother of all insurgencies in the NER) to take root, merits a recap. During World War 2, the US’ ‘Detachment 101’ of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) had its headquarters in Assam but operated from the non-Burman ethnic minority villages of Myanmar’s Hukawng Valley to infiltrate behind the Burma Defense Army (BDA) lines led by Aung San while Britain’s ‘Force 136’ of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) headed by General Collin Gubbins waged a war of propaganda and sabotage against the BDA, INA and Japanese forces with the help of ethnic minority groups that were not inducted in the BDA. After the Allied withdrawal, the vacumn created was soon filled in by the Chinese. They gave support to these ethnic groups along the Indo-Myanmar border in their quest for autonomy in return for Chinese presence in their midst and support for their business and strategic interests. Beijing used the common border and ethnic affinity with Chinese-speaking groups to promote forces inimical to India. It is in these areas that the Naga hostiles found shelter and support.

Kashmir is devoid of captivating resources. Hydropower, tourism and horticulture are the few sectors in which it can contribute. But its geographical location occupies centre stage in our strategic discourse, because it is flanked by two unpredictable and irredentist nuclear-armed neighbours, under whose illegal occupation more than half of the original state of J&K lies. Ever since the 1947 cease fire and the Kashmir dispute referred to the UN, the bilateral issue (in fact trilateral after Aksai Chin came under the occupation of China) has become a subject of close international scrutiny. In contrast, the NER is blessed with diverse resources ranging from oil and gas to uranium and at strategic parity with Kashmir. Surrounded by four countries, of which only China is considered a major concern to India, the NER touted as the gateway to the ASEAN nations stands to gain from trade and commerce. Many projects are already underway as part of India’s ‘Look East’ policy with Bangladesh and Myanmar to boost connectivity and trade and enhance economic and security cooperation to put this region on the fast track of growth and development. Although such prospects between Kashmir and its northern neighbours on an equal footing are clearly out of scope, trans-LOC trade has seen a quantum jump in recent months, the turmoil in the Valley notwithstanding. Trade through the Uri-Muzaffarabad route crossed INR 300 cr in the 2nd week of October 2010 as per reports from the trade facilitation centres at Salamabad (Uri) and Chakoti (AJK). However, such a marginal uptick in trade can not lift the valley people from the depths of socio-economic inertia till peace prevails and peace in the NER is equally vital for economic growth to gain momentum.

‘Azadi’- the leitmotif of the Kashmir story represents a range of ideas from a popular response to injustice, disempowerment, deprivation and political intrigue to self-rule, demilitarization and secession. An impression that India is seeking Israel’s advice on its Kashmir policy has further galvanized the call for azadi. The NHRC jurisdiction does not apply in Kashmir. The State Women’s Commission does not have equal powers like it’s counterparts elsewhere. The RTI is still to come into force. The controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) confers special immunity to the Army in areas that are deemed ‘disturbed.’ Crafted in 1958 to quell the Naga hostilities in Assam, this Act was later extended to J&K in 1990. Rights activists have called for revocation of the Act, but a partial withdrawal in Manipur led to an upswing in militancy. The way forward would be to act on the ‘feasible’ guidelines of the Jeevan Reddy Committee report. Constructive and consistent engagement with civil society is key to winning the ‘battle of hearts and minds.’ The eviction of over 4 lakh Kashmiri Pandits, the single largest internal displacement in India’s history, and the illegal occupation of J&K evokes anger and resentment in our national consciousness. But the silent demographic invasion of the NER fails to strike the same emotive chord. The lack of political will in fending indigenous rights, from the fear of losing a decisive chunk of the minority vote bloc has fuelled a string of identity-based autonomy or statehood movements. Fortunately, the NER is not in thrall to the ‘Geelani-brand’ of separatist politics. Troop levels have dropped with normalcy returning to most parts of the NER except in Manipur where a motley assortment of rebel groups often operates at cross-purposes. The Centre’s ‘half- hearted’ approach in dealing with the prolonged impasse enabled Pakistan to rake up the Kashmir issue in almost all international forums so much so that some Western commentators were convinced with the Pak Army’s contention that the road to a settlement in Kabul begins in Srinagar. But of the several problems plaguing the NER, only the Naga issue has attracted Western attention. Nagas have sent their delegates to some international platforms and are supported by organizations like the Baptist World Alliance (BWA), the Naga American Council, Naga Vigil et al. Grace Collins, a self styled Naga envoy, is believed to be lobbying some US Congressmen to support the Naga cause.

Military and economy - the two pillars of a nation must rest on the foundation of an ‘all-inclusive’ society - the sine qua non for a ‘great power status’. It is incumbent upon the Centre to redress grievances of the new cohort of school goers pitched into the Kashmir crisis and give them quality education for their legitimate part of India’s growth story. But Kashmiris must reflect on the plight of their brethren in the PoK reeling under relentless repression for the last 63 years. If Bengali Muslims being the demographic majority (65%) in undivided Pakistan get nothing but humiliation and brutality (2.3 million Bengalis killed in 8 months), then what can Kashmiri Muslims expect in Pakistan? Similarly, the people in the North East must realise that further break-up of states on identity-based lines will open the floodgates to more break-away forces. In all insurgencies, rhetoric and hyperbole at the highest levels co-exist with envy and intrigue at the ground levels. All insurgencies end up with the Janus-faced character of idealism and sordidness. The proverbial distinction that insurgents kill combatants and terrorists spare none is clearly dubious!